Tag Archives: Comparative historical

Democracy Under Siege: The Demise of Successful United States Federal Campaign Finance Reform

Posted on by

Stryker R, Neff O. Democracy Under Siege: The Demise of Successful United States Federal Campaign Finance Reform. Studies in American Political Development (2026): 1–24. https://doi.org/ 10.1017/S0898588X25100308

Private funding of U.S. federal elections is at record levels, with most money contributed by a few very wealthy individuals and organizations. Cross-partisan majorities of the American public consistently express concern, and proposed campaign finance reforms are introduced as frequently in Congress recently as earlier in time. Despite these facts, and that successful twentieth century reforms often were preceded by corruption scandal, that these continue today, that there remain political entrepreneurs for reform, that reformers continue to use corruption framing, and that the Supreme Court’s 2010 Citizens United decision left some reform strategies open, no proposed campaign finance reforms to curb moneyed interests’ influence have been enacted since the 2002 BCRA. We address this puzzle through comparative process tracing of forty reform efforts receiving consideration in a congressional committee from 1907 to 2024. We identify three ideal-type reform trajectories—scandal as agenda-setter, the Supreme Court as agenda-setter, and a multiple legislative trajectories type—through which campaign finance reforms through 2002 sometimes were successful. We then show how and why a combination of changes in the political, media, and legal environments doomed reform efforts post-2002 and especially post-2010 to almost certain failure. We draw implications for federal political discourse and policy-making more generally.

Correction to: Defining and Explaining Modes of Protesting: A Comparative‑Historical Analysis of Argentina and Chile

Posted on by

Rossi, F.M., Somma, N.M. & Donoso, S. Defining and Explaining Modes of Protesting: A Comparative-Historical Analysis of Argentina and Chile. St Comp Int Dev (2025). https://doi.org/10.1007/s12116-025-09480-4

We propose a novel conceptualization of predominant national “modes of protesting” to explain how the act of protest expresses historically specific forms of organizational intermediation. Using an original survey of demonstrators, we show that in the 2020s protesting in Argentina is primarily a collective and organic dynamic, while in Chile, it is commonly fragmented and privatized. To explain this contrast, we present historical narratives that focus on the length of the authoritarian regime and how the double transition to neoliberal economy and liberal democracy was pursued in each country, having the different sequence and timing of these processes diametrically opposite effects in the national modes of protesting. The collapse of the authoritarian regime and a division in democratic elites on the direction taken by the double transition may explain Argentina’s collective and organic national mode of protesting. The scattered sequence of pendular reforms that divided the political establishment in two projects and the disconnected timing of authoritarian repressive periods and neoliberal reforms may explain the preservation of a resilient movement-based tradition that had deeply penetrated Argentine society. Instead, in Chile, the modification of the national mode of protesting was a result of a constant sequence of reforms and a connected timing of authoritarianism and neoliberalism that destroyed 1970s organic networks, and a neoliberal democracy that kept the population weak and territorially fragmented, while a cohesive and insulated political establishment neutralized any reformist impetus. We discuss how the concept of modes of protesting opens a research agenda with implications for many countries and world regions.

Bringing War Back In: Victory, Defeat, and the State in Nineteenth-Century Latin America

Posted on by

Schenoni, L. 2024. Bringing War Back In: Victory, Defeat, and the State in Nineteenth-Century Latin America: Cambridge University Press.

Bringing War Back In provides a fresh theory connecting war and state formation that incorporates the contingency of warfare and the effects of war outcomes in the long run. The book demonstrates that international wars in nineteenth-century Latin America triggered state-building, that the outcomes of those wars affected the legitimacy and continuity of such efforts, and that the relative capacity of states in this region today continues to reflect those distant processes. Combining comparative historical analysis with cutting edge social science methods, the book provides a comprehensive picture of state formation in nineteenth-century Latin America that is compelling for readers across disciplines, breathes new life into bellicist approaches to state formation, and offers a novel framework to explain variation in state capacity across Latin America and the world.

“Until Indian Title Shall Be … Fairly Extinguished”: The Public Lands, Indigenous Erasure, and the Origins of Government Promotion of Infrastructure in the United States

Posted on by

Shi, M. (2025). “Until Indian Title Shall Be … Fairly Extinguished”: The Public Lands, Indigenous Erasure, and the Origins of Government Promotion of Infrastructure in the United States. Politics & Society, 53(4), 570-602. https://doi.org/10.1177/00323292251338129 (Original work published 2025)

Prior to the authorization of the Erie Canal in 1817, it was not taken for granted that governments should directly promote infrastructure projects such as roads, canals, and railways as a means of stimulating what is now called economic development. This article investigates infrastructure promotion in this early period to examine the origins of the American developmental state. It finds that legislators repeatedly called on the nation’s public lands as a costless and freely available resource—even in the face of legally recognized Native title—for infrastructure finance. Doing so allowed legislators to rely on assumptions of Indigenous erasure to mobilize the public lands as a politically light fiscal resource that reduced the perceived costs of government action. In making this argument, this article develops political lightness as a concept for diagnosing how public budgets can institutionalize power-laden cultural contexts in public policy, makes visible the processes of Indigenous dispossession and erasure constitutive of the fiscal calculus of the modern developmental state, and contributes to the theorization of the United States as a case of settler colonial state formation.

Pages: 1 2

Adopting Gender-Based-Violence Legislation, 1980–2015: The Role of Norm Cascades, Women’s Movements, and Level of Development

Posted on by

Kimberly Seida, Candice Shaw, Jessica Kim, Sam Shirazi, Kathleen M. Fallon; Adopting Gender-Based-Violence Legislation, 1980–2015: The Role of Norm Cascades, Women’s Movements, and Level of Development. Sociology of Development 1 December 2025; 11 (4): 309–340. doi: https://doi.org/10.1525/sod.2025.2607832

Research suggests that the global passage of gender-based-violence legislation (GBVL) is linked to transnational women’s movements, alongside CEDAW ratification and regional diffusion. Unfortunately, most studies are qualitative, limiting the number of case comparisons. The few existing quantitative studies incorporate both developed and developing countries and do not focus on broad factors further contributing to faster passage of specific kinds of GBVL. Also, both qualitative and quantitative studies tend to focus on the primary decade of women’s transnational activism, the 1990s. Using event history models, we build on the world society literature by exploring the effects of norm cascades and women’s movements on the passage of two types of GBVL (protections and criminalization) in two time periods (1980–2003 and 1980–2015) and across three tiers of developing countries (upper-middle income, lower-middle income, and low income). We find strong support that CEDAW and regional diffusion of GBVL facilitate policy adoption and limited support that women’s movements do so. While the effects of regional diffusion are robust across laws, time periods, and income levels, the effects of CEDAW vary by position in the global economy, and the effects of women’s movement are significant only in CEDAW-ratifying countries for protections legislation during the full time period.