Now, thanks to Leftism Reinvented, we know mass parties of the Left were, too, key drivers of this great transformation. How this happened is eloquently revealed by Mudge’s “inside-out” approach to political parties as contested fields wherein factions of truth-claiming party experts vie for the formulation of economic interpretations and doctrines, thus shaping parties’ capacity to intermediate. Mudge’s focus on party experts’ biographies gives proper name, voice, and agency to the key figures who, speaking for both party officials and those parties claim to represent, led the shift from socialism to Keynesianism in the 1950s-1960s, and then to neoliberalism in the 1980s-1990s. Of paramount importance was the dynamic between these experts and the economics profession, which Mudge summarizes through an insightful typology. In the beginning was the socialist theoretician, a non-credentialed pamphleteer and agitator recruited and socialized within the socialist parties’ network infrastructure of cultural production and mass education, who spoke economics in a Marxist vein. The road from marginality to political power required that the socialist theoretician be replaced by the economist theoretician. At once an academically trained and party-affiliated economist, this new type of expert was the bearer of a much-needed Keynesian ethics, translating popular demands into sound economic analysis and management in the context of Polanyian-like double movements for decommodification and social protection. Mudge notes that the ascent of Keynesian-oriented Left parties and the concomitant expansion of the administrative state certainly contributed to the growth and consolidation of the economics profession. But it also opened the door for its politicization. The neoliberal challenge intensified interpretative struggles over the causes of and solutions to economic turmoil, undermining the Keynesian political consensus, which in turn enabled the reorientation of the economic profession towards corporate networks and international finance. The resulting type of economic expert who came to dominate parties’ programmatic language, the transnational, finance-oriented economist, no longer spoke for labor or any other popular constituency whatsoever, except for abstract and-–allegedly–-apolitical markets. Succumbing to the new market common sense and deprived of any capacity to intermediate, Left Parties turned to policy wonks and campaign strategists, who could only speak for what works and what wins, not for the working people.